Responding to Multiculturalism: Border Control - The Last Battle of the European Nation State?

Thus far, our discussion this week has centered on the political utility, or not, of nationalism and multiculturalism in coping with a changing international system. These two "Ism's" however are not always natural allies, as we've seen already. They can have very different 'takes' on key concepts such as sovereignty, legitimacy, transnational governance and regulation, national-level responsibilities, etc. They also compete with each other as preferred mechanisms for how to shape different polity's futures. Nationalists, as we saw yesterday, have indeed organized themselves politically. In doing so, they have also embraced specific 'hot button' issues to push-back against what they see as unwanted 'threats'. One of these issues revolves around the perceived need for border controls, as we will now discuss.

The free movement of goods and people across borders has always been a cornerstone of European integration. Indeed, being "debordered", as Carsten Yndigegn calls it, has become a synonym for passport-free "Europeanization." A broadly held view, however, is not a universal one. For that reason, those who dismissed border controls between European nation states as an anachronism were no doubt surprised when the Danish government announced, in May 2011, that it was unilaterally going to introduce permanent controls over their borders once again.

Back to the Future: Denmark Reintroduces Border Controls

The Danish decision immediately pleased those who thought that the abolishing of regulated borders was a historical anomaly that had to be corrected. As a former Danish external pagecustoms officercall_made observed, it was dangerous to live in Southern Denmark, and so close to Germany, because "the bad people come from the south." What was the point of a nation state, after all, if not to keep the 'the other' out? Such sentiments were certainly not shared by others. Critics of the Danish government's decision not only labeled it a hindrance to on-going EU integration efforts, but it was also an insult to basic human progress. An ersatz return to "historical normality" was not the answer to globalized migration patterns, or so they observed. Fair enough, but what exactly happened in May 2011?

As the political price to pay for the Danish Peoples' Party's backing for pension reform, the conservative coalition partners agreed to introduce legislation that would reinstall border controls. According to Peter Hobbing, who evaluated the measures, introducing border controls meant that the Danish government would first deploy customs staff to the nation's borders and rebuild customs houses and install video surveillance systems at a later point in time.

The Euro-skeptical Danish Peoples' Party joined the "Blue Bloc" coalition government in 2001. Given its doubts about European integration and its demands for Denmark to leave the Schengen agreement, it should come as no surprise that it wished to rebuild customs houses and "other symbols of national autonomy and seclusion" in Denmark. Antipathy towards a borderless Europe is not only philosophical, however. It has been aggravated by 1) the increased influx of migrants from Northern Africa, 2) the temporary introduction of border checks between France and Italy in April 2011 and 3) the perceived external pagemalfunctioningcall_made of the Dublin Regulation on European asylum policy.

In the face of these reservations, EU authorities reacted with "polite restraint" (Hobbing, p 2) when the Danish government attempted to reintroduce border controls. They were also lucky enough to avoid further "unpleasantries" over the issue when, in September 2011, parliamentary elections installed a new center-left coalition, which immediately rescinded the planned controls. Hobbing rightfully reminds us, however, that "political developments, namely the rise of right-wing parties with hostile attitudes towards immigration, foreigners and [open] borders will not disappear from one day to the next" (p 2). Moreover, Denmark is not the only country where border controls could be reintroduced. Well known political parties in France, Italy and Finland may prove electorally strong enough in the future to force government policies that would mirror Denmark's attempts to tighten border controls.

As a counter to this possibility, Hobbing recommends that EU authorities and European governments should 1) stress the advantages of embracing free movement policies; 2) insist that the introduction of Danish-style controls may be illegal under EU law; 3) set up mechanisms that 'push-back' against any attempts to restrict the free movement of goods and people; and 4) improve the management of the EU's external borders.

Border Control as a Sign of State Weakness

The above recommendations are practical enough, but do they go to the heart of the matter? In other words, do they merely address symptoms rather than root causes-i.e., a fundamental concern with economic and cultural security in a globalizing world? A general discomfort with 'foreignness,' for example, may merely camouflage a more concrete concern with transnational crime - a concern, by the way, best dealt with through pooled European mechanism. external pageMary Bosworthcall_made, whose work specifically focuses on Britain, agrees that more often than not we are dealing with the superficial expression of a more fundamental problem. In her view, "the increased concern over border control reflects [deeper anxieties over]a decline in the power of the state in the face of globalization" (p 1).

In the specific case of Europe, according to external pageThomas Gammeltoft-Hansencall_made, senior researcher at the Danish Institute for International Studies, nation states face a dilemma between coordinating their policies with their neighbors, and thus enhancing their mutual effectiveness, while also retaining sovereign control over their local destinies. The national border issue, therefore, is not only an inarticulate symptom of deeper sentiments and concerns, it is also a symbol of sovereignty's utility as a bulwark against the pressures of globalization. Such sovereignty is therefore a locus of political strength; it allows governments to have, and to create the impression they have, political control in a globalized world.

Sources

A Farewell to Open Borders? The Danish Approach, Peter Hobbing, CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security in Europe, November 2011

Between Debordering and Rebordering Europe: Cross-Border Cooperation in the Øresund Region or the Danish-Swedish Border Region, Carsten Yndigegn, Eurasia Border Review, Vol 2, No 1 (Summer 2011), pp. 47-59

external pageDenmark versus Schengencall_made, Euronews video report, 28 July 2011

external pageInterview with Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen, Research Fellow at DIIScall_made, TVEuropa video interview, 18 July 2011

external pageBorder Control and the Limits of the Sovereign Statecall_made, Mary Bosworth, Social & Legal Studies, Vol 17, No 2, 2008, pp. 199-215.

external pageA Race against Solidarity: The Schengen Regime and the Franco-Italian Affaircall_made, Sergio Carrera, Elspeth Guild, Massimo Merlino, Joanna Parkin, CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security in Europe, April 2011

Additional Content

external pageDenmark Leads Nationalist Challenge to Europe's Open Borderscall_made, Suzanne Daley, New York Times, 24 June 2011

Internal Border Controls in the Schengen Area: Much Ado About Nothing, Yves Pascouau, EPC Commentary, 28 June 2011

A Note on the Border, Marten Lindberg, ISN Blog, 22 September 2011

external pageNew Dany Boon Film Plays on France-Belgium Prejudicecall_made, Hugh Schofield, BBC News, 2 February 2011

external pageRien à déclarer / Nothing to Declarecall_made by Dany Boon, film trailer, uniFrancefilms, YouTube, 2 February 2011

Britain, Ireland and Schengen: Time for a Smarter Bargain on Visas, Michael Emerson, CEPS Policy Briefs, August 2011

Schengen Area under Pressure, Yves Pascouau, EPC Commentary, 3 May 2011

external pageSchengen Areacall_made, Spiegel Online (related articles, background features and opinions about this topic)

In case you have missed any of our previous content on nationalism and the state you can catch up here on: Evolving Ideas of Nationalism, Evolving Ideas of Nationalism II, Nationalism and Multiculturalism in Russia, and The Response to Multiculturalism - Nativism and Populist Politics.