Bangladesh: A Test for Hasina

The BDR mutiny in Bangladesh may have been quelled, but the growing rift between the military and the border guards, and the risk of the army retaking control of the country, still exist, says Harsh V Pant for ISN Security Watch.

Over 300 members of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), the country's paramilitary border guard, have been arrested after a two-day mutiny that left a dozen people dead and relations between the guard and the national army at a breaking point.

On 25 February, a day after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's visit to BDR headquarters in Dhaka, the members of the paramilitary group stationed there rebelled, alleging discriminatory treatment at the hands of the officer corps, which is gleaned from Bangladesh's national army. The guards took most of their high command hostage, including BDR Director General Shakil Ahmed, who is accused of abusing guard members.

The mutineers were angry that their grievances over pay, working conditions and career advancement were not taken up during the prime minister's visit. 

A day-long gun battle followed the initial events, killing around 50 people and ending only after Hasina offered general amnesty and promised to consider their demands. But even as the trouble in Dhaka was being contained, reports emerged of mutinies breaking out in various towns across the country.

The Bangladesh army commands the rank and file of the Bangladesh Rifles, which has an estimated strength of 67,000 members. The BDR is primarily responsible for guarding the country's 4,400-kilometer border with India and Myanmar (Burma).  Despite a rich tradition and professional reputation, the BDR has over the years been at the receiving end of the government and the army. The army does not view the paramilitary force as its equal, which has fomented resentment.

This was clearly reflected in one of the demands of the mutineers, calling for ending the deputation of army officers to command the paramilitary border guards. BDR members say that that their commanding officers, who come from the army, fail to heed the cause of the soldiers and have long denied them their privileges.

There is no official channel that could be used by the BDR forces to share concerns and air grievances. Moreover, Bangladesh's army is a major participant in UN peacekeeping operations, allowing its soldiers to earn far more than would be able to do at home. This lucrative opportunity is not available to the BDR troops, further exacerbating the gulf between the army and the paramilitary force.

It has also been alleged in Bangladeshi media reports that disgruntled military officers affiliated with Hasina's rival Bangladesh Nationalist Party might be behind the latest trouble.

The BDR revolt could cause a permanent change in the relationship between the army and the paramilitary. It is clear that the long standing grievances of the BDR forces can no longer be ignored and will have to be dealt with promptly, as the rebellion was merely a consequence of years of pent-up anger and frustration.  The mutiny was also a serious intelligence failure: The prime minister was at the venue of the rebellion less than 24 hours before the rebellion.

The government responded promptly to the crisis, sending two emissaries who persuaded the leaders of the mutineers to talk to the prime minister, even though their request to speak to Hasina during her initial visit to the compound was denied.

This is the first major crisis of the new government that came to power last December after two years of rule by the army-backed caretaker government. The army attempted to sideline the two major political parties and their top leaderships but failed.

Civil-military relations in Bangladesh have undergone significant upheavals in the last few years and the government will have to trudge carefully in dealing with the army. This mutiny could have serious repercussions for the nation's internal stability as well as for India-Bangladesh border security. The two nations have agreed to only let their paramilitaries guard their borders, but there have been frequent skirmishes between India's Border Security Force and the BDR. India has termed the latest crisis as an internal matter of Bangladesh, but as a cautionary measure put its troops along the eastern border on high alert.

The Hasina government will have to move rapidly to deal with BDR grievances, while at the same time, not upset the military leadership. Bangladesh has a history of political instability and disunity in the nation's armed forces.

The country's political institutions remain fragile and the role of armed forces has still not clearly defined. The army in Bangladesh gave up power rather reluctantly as it came under international pressure and threat of sanctions.

The army may have temporarily moved out of politics, but such incidents might give it an excuse to reclaim an active role. This temptation previously has had dire consequences for Bangladesh in so far as it ended up giving fillip to Islamist extremists. In the absence of political participation, mosques have become central in shaping the domestic political discourse. A politicised military is a grave danger to the underpinnings of a constitutional democracy and Pakistan's example should be enough of a warning for Bangladesh not to go down that route.

The Hasina government will be watched by the international community over the next weeks to see how it deals with this latest crisis. And it will be hoped that the new government has learned due lessons from the mistakes of its predecessors. It is imperative for the new government in Dhaka to start governing and restore some semblance of credibility to the political process to take the initiative away from the nation's military.

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