Opposition Growing Pains
By Ben Judah for ISN
Boris Nemtsov has the charms of a pro athlete.
“I’m so famous in this country, " he says."I can’t go anywhere. They all know who I am.”
The vocal opposition leader has picked a plush coffee shop to sound off, to the distinct displeasure of several paying customers.
Suspiciously tanned and jarringly arrogant, this fanatical surfer and tennis player has outplayed the moody chess master Garry Kasparov to seize the under-whelming title of pre-eminent leader of the Russian opposition.
He orders a few cognacs, blasts out “I am indeed Boris Nemtsov” to a curious couple to our left and begins showing off his latest acquisition: A delicate, finely crafted watch.
“This is a present from Gorbachev. “Look it’s got 'Gorbachev Forever' inscribed inside.” He laughs a little.
Nemtsov’s exorbitantly priced tuna sandwich arrives. He outlines how the opposition has reformed itself since 2008, chomping on the oily dish.
“Kasparov just wanted to continue being more of a dissident [...] He’s been off playing chess. Since we founded Solidarity in December 2008 as a unity movement of liberal political parties opposed to Putin, we’ve been building a real political front.
"We’ve produced a policy platform ‘300 Steps to Freedom,’ two reports on the consequences of [Russian Prime Minister Vladimir] Putin and Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov," Nemtsov says. These attracted a lot of attention and we’ve been gathering real momentum.”
Solidarity leaders declined to comment on Kasparov’s latest pursuits on the US speaking circuit. Instead they are determined to explain the small pattern of dissent seen in Russia since the beginning of the financial turmoil over a year ago. In January anti-Putin protests rocked Vladivostok. In March an independent candidate trounced an official from Putin’s party United Russia, becoming the mayor of the northern city of Murmansk. In May Nemtsov decision to run for mayor of his hometown and 2014 Olympic city, Sochi, generated widespread publicity.
October’s regional elections saw widespread accusations of fraud in favor of United Russia, resulting in an unprecedented walkout of the opposition parties represented in the Duma, usually viewed by analysts as being controlled by the Kremlin.
Gorbachev himself chose to blast the elections as what he called “a mockery of democracy.”
Nemtsov explains that the strength of the Russian opposition will come about when it is flexible and prepared enough to seize opportunities as they emerge. Referring to recent developments, he explains that “We couldn’t see these chances emerge. But we took advantage of them. We are building ourselves up so we can do this more effectively in the future.”
The Solidarity leader has been awarded a plaque by Novaya Gazeta, one of Russia’s last free newspapers. He has brought it with him to the cafe. He picks it up, grins, then places it delicately next to his sandwich.
“The reason the opposition has been so ineffective is that the vast majority of Russians live out in the regions. They only have state TV out there[...]and we are strictly banned from being featured on it," he says.
"The new strategy is not street focused but on building a network of supporters across the country. The demonstrations in Vladivostok, then those associated with the car plant closures have all been strong signs.”
High aspirations
Ilya Yashin, a youth leader from Solidarity and popular blogger has been keeping quiet, visibly enjoying himself. “The thing is, the opposition was previously just 1990s failed politicians and celebrities [...] too many officers and not enough foot soldiers.
"We are working now to turn Solidarity into a popular front. I think we may not have been populist enough in the past. We need to appeal and we also need time.”
Yashin is wearing DKNY jeans. Next to him is Nemtsov’s close associate and fellow Solidarity leader Vladimir Milov, equipped with an iPhone. Estimates are that roughly 30 percent of Russians live in poverty. Most people in what was once the ‘homeland of the proletariat’ live in tough conditions. The average monthly wage is just $630 a month.
I ask Solidarity if they feel they are not quite proletarian enough to compete with Putin’s persona; one that smacks of a lower middle class fitness fanatic.
“No. They have chosen us because we are articulating their demands,” Milov retorts on behalf Russia’s masses.
Solidarity leaders are at pains to explain the difficulties and costs of supporting them publicly. Citing possible consequences in business, political and professional life that lead to millions of potential but ‘hands off supporters,’ Yashin claims that support for the opposition has been growing and middle-ranking government officials have secretly made contact with them.
“We organized a conference on how to respond to the financial crisis. We kept it secret. This was the condition of these officials attending,” he explains earnestly.
And then there's Medvedev
The Russian opposition may be slowly pulling itself together but it has failed to become more than a fringe movement in Russian society. Russia contains all the ingredients for a viable opposition from the dissident Alexander Podrabinek, the human rights groups Memorial or the SOVA Center, movements like Solidarity or Other Russia and high profile leaders. However the dish still hasn’t been cooked.
The trouble is Russian President Dmitry Medvedev. The recent elections showed that Russia’s drift to a less liberal authoritarianism continues apace. United Russia has increasingly been seeking to mimic the Chinese Communist Party and has made statements and gestures lauding its unashamedly monopolistic force.
Yet Medvedev undermines any ability to coalesce against this; he says exactly what any Russian liberal wants to hear. His recent article, "Forward Russia," which appeared on the Kremlin website and in major newspapers, called for the country to become more democratic and less dependent on oil, lamenting with unusual honesty the demographic and Caucasian afflictions Russia faces.
Yashin explains that in the coming months Solidarity is set to continue its present course. “We will try and get our viewpoint across, we will hold rallies, we will be involved in building ourselves up against great odds.”
Nemtsov snipes viciously when I mention Medvedev. “He’s no president. He’s a famous blogger.”
“I’m so famous in this country, " he says."I can’t go anywhere. They all know who I am.”
The vocal opposition leader has picked a plush coffee shop to sound off, to the distinct displeasure of several paying customers.
Suspiciously tanned and jarringly arrogant, this fanatical surfer and tennis player has outplayed the moody chess master Garry Kasparov to seize the under-whelming title of pre-eminent leader of the Russian opposition.
He orders a few cognacs, blasts out “I am indeed Boris Nemtsov” to a curious couple to our left and begins showing off his latest acquisition: A delicate, finely crafted watch.
“This is a present from Gorbachev. “Look it’s got 'Gorbachev Forever' inscribed inside.” He laughs a little.
Nemtsov’s exorbitantly priced tuna sandwich arrives. He outlines how the opposition has reformed itself since 2008, chomping on the oily dish.
“Kasparov just wanted to continue being more of a dissident [...] He’s been off playing chess. Since we founded Solidarity in December 2008 as a unity movement of liberal political parties opposed to Putin, we’ve been building a real political front.
"We’ve produced a policy platform ‘300 Steps to Freedom,’ two reports on the consequences of [Russian Prime Minister Vladimir] Putin and Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov," Nemtsov says. These attracted a lot of attention and we’ve been gathering real momentum.”
Solidarity leaders declined to comment on Kasparov’s latest pursuits on the US speaking circuit. Instead they are determined to explain the small pattern of dissent seen in Russia since the beginning of the financial turmoil over a year ago. In January anti-Putin protests rocked Vladivostok. In March an independent candidate trounced an official from Putin’s party United Russia, becoming the mayor of the northern city of Murmansk. In May Nemtsov decision to run for mayor of his hometown and 2014 Olympic city, Sochi, generated widespread publicity.
October’s regional elections saw widespread accusations of fraud in favor of United Russia, resulting in an unprecedented walkout of the opposition parties represented in the Duma, usually viewed by analysts as being controlled by the Kremlin.
Gorbachev himself chose to blast the elections as what he called “a mockery of democracy.”
Nemtsov explains that the strength of the Russian opposition will come about when it is flexible and prepared enough to seize opportunities as they emerge. Referring to recent developments, he explains that “We couldn’t see these chances emerge. But we took advantage of them. We are building ourselves up so we can do this more effectively in the future.”
The Solidarity leader has been awarded a plaque by Novaya Gazeta, one of Russia’s last free newspapers. He has brought it with him to the cafe. He picks it up, grins, then places it delicately next to his sandwich.
“The reason the opposition has been so ineffective is that the vast majority of Russians live out in the regions. They only have state TV out there[...]and we are strictly banned from being featured on it," he says.
"The new strategy is not street focused but on building a network of supporters across the country. The demonstrations in Vladivostok, then those associated with the car plant closures have all been strong signs.”
High aspirations
Ilya Yashin, a youth leader from Solidarity and popular blogger has been keeping quiet, visibly enjoying himself. “The thing is, the opposition was previously just 1990s failed politicians and celebrities [...] too many officers and not enough foot soldiers.
"We are working now to turn Solidarity into a popular front. I think we may not have been populist enough in the past. We need to appeal and we also need time.”
Yashin is wearing DKNY jeans. Next to him is Nemtsov’s close associate and fellow Solidarity leader Vladimir Milov, equipped with an iPhone. Estimates are that roughly 30 percent of Russians live in poverty. Most people in what was once the ‘homeland of the proletariat’ live in tough conditions. The average monthly wage is just $630 a month.
I ask Solidarity if they feel they are not quite proletarian enough to compete with Putin’s persona; one that smacks of a lower middle class fitness fanatic.
“No. They have chosen us because we are articulating their demands,” Milov retorts on behalf Russia’s masses.
Solidarity leaders are at pains to explain the difficulties and costs of supporting them publicly. Citing possible consequences in business, political and professional life that lead to millions of potential but ‘hands off supporters,’ Yashin claims that support for the opposition has been growing and middle-ranking government officials have secretly made contact with them.
“We organized a conference on how to respond to the financial crisis. We kept it secret. This was the condition of these officials attending,” he explains earnestly.
And then there's Medvedev
The Russian opposition may be slowly pulling itself together but it has failed to become more than a fringe movement in Russian society. Russia contains all the ingredients for a viable opposition from the dissident Alexander Podrabinek, the human rights groups Memorial or the SOVA Center, movements like Solidarity or Other Russia and high profile leaders. However the dish still hasn’t been cooked.
The trouble is Russian President Dmitry Medvedev. The recent elections showed that Russia’s drift to a less liberal authoritarianism continues apace. United Russia has increasingly been seeking to mimic the Chinese Communist Party and has made statements and gestures lauding its unashamedly monopolistic force.
Yet Medvedev undermines any ability to coalesce against this; he says exactly what any Russian liberal wants to hear. His recent article, "Forward Russia," which appeared on the Kremlin website and in major newspapers, called for the country to become more democratic and less dependent on oil, lamenting with unusual honesty the demographic and Caucasian afflictions Russia faces.
Yashin explains that in the coming months Solidarity is set to continue its present course. “We will try and get our viewpoint across, we will hold rallies, we will be involved in building ourselves up against great odds.”
Nemtsov snipes viciously when I mention Medvedev. “He’s no president. He’s a famous blogger.”