Centuries of Cultural (Mis)conceptions

This obstacle has been partly overcome through increasing economic, cultural and political cooperation. A new understanding is formed through these interactions. More, however, needs to be done to overcome the barrier of history.

The inferior-superior relationship

Japan

The Japanese perception of racial purity and homogeneity derives from the ‘divine blood’ of the emperor. Kada, writing in the 1940s, claimed it was the emperor’s deity that provides Japanese superiority over other Asian civilizations. This belief was present from the beginning of the twentieth century.

National pride and confidence have been enhanced through a combination of this background together with Japan’s vast post-World War II economic success. China’s growth is therefore likely to be perceived as a threat, not only to resources and markets, but also to the dignity of the nation.

Some feel that Japan’s military restrictions have reduced the credibility of its nationhood. This is particularly strong within the younger generation. There have been over 50 years of pacifism, large financial gifts of aid and numerous official apologies. Japan, however, still appears to be ‘paying’ for actions over 60 years later.

China

Chinese sentiment during the Olympic Games has led observers like James Reynolds, the BBC’s Beijing correspondent, to comment on their intense patriotism. National pride emerges when the nation feels under threat over issues such as Tibet or Taiwan, both of which China places territorial claim.

The “Century of Humiliation” has been crucial in fostering Chinese nationalism. Memories of Japan’s victory over China in 1894-1895 and occupation from 1931-1945, have created a feeling of inferiority. These events, after Chinese regional dominance during pre-modern history, were shameful to a nation that had perceived itself as superior.

The recent economic growth and strength of China has drastically improved its importance on the global stage. This is significant to a nation that was formerly a great power and which then suffered at the hands of not only the Japanese but also the West. In the eyes of the Chinese; the world is now taking China seriously.

Anti-Japanese fervor was embraced by the Chinese Communist Party. which solidified its legitimacy through opposition to Japanese occupation. The party thrives on strong nationalism and in the past this was enhanced by the threat of Japan. Today Sino-Japanese relations have improved significantly. As riots of dissatisfaction continue throughout China, however, the Chinese government may be tempted to again turn to anti-Japanese propaganda and diplomatic actions to regain domestic support. Some observers argue that past events no longer cause profound upset but rather are used as a tool by the government to accomplish its domestic objectives.

The Nanjing Massacre and the territorial losses and regional superiority by Japan are prominent memoires for China. These former experiences can often flare national spirits and feelings of injustice. According to Hidenori Ijiri, a writer for The China Quarterly, Chinese inferiority feelings towards Japan continues to exist.

Saving face

The East China Sea dispute is a prime example of neither side wanting to be over-accommodating to the other. To paraphrase one Chinese official, ‘to give into Japan could not be allowed!’

This attitude also exists towards territorial disputes over the Senkaku Islands, Tibet and Taiwan, with both sides refusing to step down. After frequent occupation, the possession of land has become an important power status for China. There are many who claim that the Century of Humiliation will not end until Taiwan is officially reintegrated.

If one looks at China’s domestic politics, however, it becomes clear that Taiwan and Tibet are viewed as the lynchpins of national integrity. China has 23 provinces, 5 autonomous regions and 4 municipalities. The acceptance of independence in Tibet and Taiwan could be seen to therefore jeopardize the central government’s authority over disparate parts of the nation, especially in the restive Xinjiang province.

In former years the military was perceived in Asia, and particularly in Japan, as a means to obtain geopolitical superiority and power. This changed after World War II as pacifism was institutionalized in Japan. A greater emphasis was placed upon the strength of the economy to indicate regional supremacy. China’s current rise, however, challenges both the economic and military power of Japan, regionally and globally. This has left some observers to consider the subsequent effects upon Japan.

Bypassing culture, history and politics

It is difficult for any nation to overcome seemingly intrinsic national characteristics. Recent attempts by both nations have been to down-play national differences and accentuate positive areas of mutual benefit. This is an effective means of increasing the level of trust that has been eroded after previous exchanges of aggression. These interactions do not resolve political and historic disputes but do break barriers and improve relations.

Socio-cultural exchanges: There have been a number of examples of integration; with student exchanges, sporting events and the touring of the Peking Opera to Japan and the Japanese movie festival around China.

Military exchanges: A recent symbolic cultural event has been the reciprocal port calls by both Chinese and Japanese warships. The latest was the June 2008 visit by a Japanese naval destroyer, the first to visit China’s shores since World War II. Chinese foreign ministry spokesman, Liu Jianchao, announced the visit would “help enhance the friendship and mutual trust between the two countries.” ("Japan warship begins China visit," BBC, 24 June 2008.). This certainly seems to have been the case for some within China; for others the warship’s visit revived old wounds that have failed to heal since the Japanese occupation.

Diplomatic initiatives: Two-track diplomacy has been used successfully by non-governmental institutions, by supporting discussions on sensitive issues in a non-public forum, away from the eyes of the press, which in its rush to anticipate outcomes can lead to premature misunderstandings in the public arena.

During President Hu’s visit to Japan in May he did not ask Japan for an apology but acknowledged the past 60 years of peace. This was a groundbreaking diplomatic shift from the past when former Chinese Presidents continually asked Japan for an apology. This is perhaps a sign of the developments taking place within Sino-Japanese relations. The May talks were particularly encouraging in the creation of a mutual strategy for climate change improvements. Both sides formed concrete agreements on environmental issues, energy saving technologies and food safety (the latter was particularly poignant given the recent Gyoza food poisoning). The meetings established a basic accord on climate change and a new bilateral collaborative approach on the capture of carbon dioxide and storage technologies.

These environmental agreements are far from the resentments and hard feelings of the past. The general approach of President Hu’s May visit was for both countries to pursue “mutually strategic interests” (Sheila A Smith "A New Agenda for Japan and China", Pacnet #28, 16 May 2008.) These new connections are a means for China and Japan to move forwards and create a new understanding and trust. The past continues to resurface but perhaps, through continued attempts to cooperate and interact, both sides can cast aside their preconceptions and see each other in a new light. This will ultimately facilitate China and Japan in overcoming their historical differences.

Military build-up: Potential problems and rising tensions

Increasing military buildup in China has led to Japanese apprehension towards its potential power and regional intentions. This is enhanced by China’s lack of transparency. The concern is whether Japan will retaliate against China’s military growth. Will Japan move away from Article 9 of the constitution and continue to develop her already extensive Self Defense Force (SDF)? Some analysts argue this has already begun to take place.

The armored Chinese dragon

For the past 20 years China’s military budget has risen annually by double digits, with a growth rate of over 10 percent each year. In August 2008, China declared a rise in military spending by nearly 18 percent for the forthcoming year; citing increases in the cost of oil and wages as the cause.

China has the largest army in the world with approximately 1.6 million personnel. Since Deng Xiaoping’s 1993 policy, China has focused upon improving its military technological capabilities.

Recently there has been mounting concern towards Chinese advances in space and cyberspace. In January and September 2008, the Chinese military attempted to shoot-down home satellites. At the end of September 2008, China is expected to launch a space craft with the intention of orbiting the earth and holding China’s first space walk. In 2010, China also plans to begin construction on a large space station. These developments threaten US military superiority and strength.

With approximately 860 ships, the expansion of the Chinese navy is perceived as potentially the most provocative threat to Japan. There are many reasons for this. First is the increase in Chinese naval exercises within contested territorial areas such as the East China Sea and around the Senkaku Islands. This greater activitiy increases the possibility of a misunderstanding or accident that could escalate into a full-blown diplomatic dispute. The second is Japan’s perceived threat to sea lanes through which it imports 99 percent of its energy supplies. Third, the Japanese are forbidden by their constitution to possess nuclear submarines or aircraft carriers, which have been identified as “offensive weaponry.” China possesses a growing and impressive fleet of the former and is planning to develop the latter. This may strengthen Japanese fears that China will gain regional dominance. M Taylor Fraval suggests that China’s rising naval threat may result in Japan investing more heavily in its own naval capabilities and increasing its presence within contested waters (See “China’s Search for Military Power,” The Washington Quarterly, Summer 2008.).

Japan’s perspective

In Japan’s annual defense white paper, released in early September 2008, the government reiterated calls for greater Chinese transparency. It expressed concern towards continued growth in defense spending and military capabilities. The rhetoric, however, is weaker than in the past, possibly as a result of recent warming in relations. The paper initially elaborates on the uniqueness of Chinese pride in its history and the desire for creating a strong nation after what it terms ‘semi-colonialization.’ This suggests the Japanese government is aware of the past’s impact upon current Sino-Japanese relations.

The white paper does however convey Japan’s apprehension towards China’s modernization of its military capabilities. With the constraint of Japan’s constitution, the Chinese construction of a nuclear-powered submarine, capable of delivering long-range ballistic missiles, is likely to raise concerns. China’s lack of transparency will likely exacerbate this reaction.

Japan’s response

How will Japan react to China’s military build-up? Article 9 of its constitution forbids the formation of traditional military forces. Despite this, Japan is one of the world’s largest spenders on national defense and has a strong SDF of more than 240,000 personnel. Japan has undertaken paramilitary, logistical and supportive roles in both Iraq and Afghanistan.

There has been some debate on whether the 1945 constitution should be amended. In March 2006, the parliament issued a set of recommendations to re-organize the SDF, the first major restructuring since its foundation. These changes, along with the actions of the SDF in Iraq and Afghanistan, are limited. These actions demonstrate Japan’s willingness to break away from its former stance post World War II. Is this the thin end of the wedge or is Japanese pacifism too strong to allow this?

Japan is currently in an economic recession. What will happen if this worsens? Some suggest that more hawkish Japanese ministers will obtain power. This is something important to consider with recent talk of a potential November general election in Japan. The recent period of accord has been relatively short lived; closer interaction and greater trust need to be developed to cement this current phase of harmony. US military commitments and its economic troubles could weaken its commitment towards Japan. This is worrisome at a time when Russia is becoming increasingly active in the Asia-Pacific.

The way forward

China’s actions appear threatening and offensive. To prevent their military build-up from jeopardizing Sino-Japanese relations it is vital that Chinese activities become more transparent. Trust is critical to ensure peace between the two powerful neighbors, regardless if their relationship is cooperative or competitive. The present situation may open the possibility for new security dilemmas as China attempts to increase its own security and thereby reduces Japan’s perceived security.